Wednesday, July 31, 2019

Disadvantaged Status

Do you wish to be considered a disadvantaged applicant by any of your designated medical schools that may consider such factors (social, economic, or educational)? The initiative in creating change has always been an integral aspect of man. Equipped with their relative skills and competencies, they engage in various efforts to create opportunities that will improve their capabilities and cater to the service of individuals. Amidst the trials and difficulties in the process, hard work and determination remains to be a vital factor in attaining their desired objectives and purpose in life.With this mindset, I wish to present my intention to apply at this prestigious institution. I feel that I should be considered as a disadvantaged applicant because of the fact that I indeed have faced challenges that qualify me for such. At a very young age, I have always been financially challenged and this led to a number of difficulties as well. Not having enough money, I did not have access to cle an water or electricity. Since I was living in a devastated area, I had to walk in fear at night just to get clean water.From an educational standpoint, I could only read in candlelight at night under the covers for fear of being discovered. School was the highlight of my day. Though I had to walk about 10 to 15 miles to school every day, I still looked forward to being able to learn more and escape from the harsh realities of my life by learning about other places. I did not have the benefit of having my own textbook and would share with my more fortunate classes as we were crammed into tiny rooms since there were not enough teachers.Suffice it to say that this experience has not only prepared me for life but it has also taught me the value of a good education. I do not wish to be called disadvantaged because I feel that what I went through was not a disadvantage but more of an advantage since it prepared me for this moment. Coming to America became easier because while I had to wo rk and support myself while in school this was in stark contract from the perilous circumstances of my childhood.I have been working full time most of the time and go to school full time to support myself and my family in Ethiopia financially even though I had financial aid and student loan. I work hard every day because I want to be able to give my family the same opportunity that I had to have a good education and some day be able to live a good life. As such, I will never let my grades fall low, let alone be average. I will work hard to get the best grade for I am confident in myself because I have a strong academic background. I have consistently received the best grades in my high school years until today thanks to my work ethic.As for me, scholarship recipient means taking more responsibilities compare to other students and must be leading other students all the way. I will be the one who will serve role models for other students. That is why I believe that this scholarship is a crucial step for me. My success and my accomplishments here will herald the beginning of the fulfillment of my personal and professional goals. It is said that the one thing that nobody can ever take away from you is your education and that is the one thing that I plan to not only gain for myself but for others as well.While I personally believe that â€Å"there is no such thing as a free lunch† and that everything a person has in life must come from hard work and perseverance, I also believe in charity. I believe in helping others who do not have much in life. I believe in helping people regardless of their nation, race or creed. I believe in being a better person so I can best help myself and others around me. I believe that (Insert Name of University) is the best place for me to turn these beliefs into realities.

Tuesday, July 30, 2019

Belief Statement

PERSONAL MISSION STATEMENT I am at my best when I am unselfish and positive about what the future brings me. When I am looking forward to benefiting myself and others. I will try to prevent times when I let the negativity and harsh conditions I have come across in the past affect me and the ones I care about. When I start losing faith in myself and my Lord. I will enjoy my work by finding employment where I can make sure that the environment is safe for the people.I will find enjoyment in my personal life through providing myself with knowledge and wisdom and enjoying the company of people no matter what the occasion is. I will find opportunities to use my natural talents and gifts such as God-given willingness to give a helping hand to those in need. I can do anything I set my mind to do. My life's journey is to travel to a land far away and protect the townspeople from a magical dragon. By defeating it, I will be praised and called Savior. I will forever stay and defend the land fr om any potential threats.I will be a person who would be remembered as a loyal friend, faithful husband and a law-abiding citizen. My tribute statement should be about how I lived by putting the ones I love and care about before myself. My charisma and kindness would be appreciated as well. My most important future contribution to others will be to love and care for the ones I love for as long as I live. Always by their side and willing making sure that everyday with me would be a gift. I will stop procrastinating and start working on time and focus in my education so that it can benefit me and bring fortune to my future.Start taking good care of my body and mind by eating, exercising and maintaining good habits. Better Decision making and surrounding myself with the right people I will strive to incorporate the following attributes into my life: Constant unconditional love, unselfishness and charisma from my mother. I will constantly renew myself by focusing on the four dimensions of my life: Taking good care of my body, Finding Enlightenment, Having Faith in God, Treating others the way I want to be treated

Describe the fieldwork and research you would undertake in order to investigate why some urban areas are in need of rebranding

When investigating why some urban areas need rebranding I would use a range of both primary and secondary data to see what the environmental, economic and social needs for rebranding were. Primary fieldwork I would complete whilst in the area would include: land use surveys, EQS’s, questionnaires, perception surveys, an index of decay and I would also take photos of the area. By using a wide range of primary fieldwork I would be able to see why the area needs rebranding in a range of ways. When completing a land use survey I would use systematic sampling as I would visit every 5th property then make notes on what the property was being used for used for or what service it provided. By completing a land use survey I would be able to see what services there are in the local area and I would also be able to see what state of repair the buildings are in. An EQS allows me to look at the environmental needs of an area as when completing it I am assessing the buildings, traffic, open space and gardens and the general quality of the area. To complete and EQS I would walk around the area and rate each quality on a scale of +2, high, to -2, very poor. Another way of assessing the environmental needs of rebranding is through an index of decay, this would involve walking round the area an assessing the physical conditions of buildings within the area and rating them. This would show the needs of rebranding as if the area is in a state of disrepair then people may not be attracted to the area so the cycle of deprivation continues. To complete both the EQS and index of decay I would use stratified sampling as we already knew something about the area. Opinion based primary fieldwork I would complete whilst investigating the needs of an area includes questionnaires and perception surveys. To complete the questionnaire I would use random sampling to ensure my results reflected a wide range of opinions. Questionnaires would provide me with people’s opinion of the area and can be used to show why rebranding needs to happen. If their opinion suggests that there are a lot of improvements that could be made to the area or that it is lacking services or transport infrastructure then this shows there is a need to rebrand. Questionnaires don’t only show the social needs for rebranding but can show the economic and environmental needs as well, it all depends on what they questions ask. A perception survey also reflects people’s opinions of the area; again I would use random sampling to gain a wide range of results. Perception surveys would allow me to quickly collect people’s opinions as they include close questions. The results would provide me with opinions on the area and also information about improvements people in the area wanted to see. The final piece of primary fieldwork I would complete whilst in the area would be taking pictures, I would take pictures to try and capture the area socially, economically and environmentally. By taking a range of pictures I would be able to see if the results from my surveys fitted what my pictures show. This would help when investigating the needs of rebranding as it would provide visual representation of the area and when comparing the results to an area that has been rebranded the needs would become obvious quickly. Also when investigating the needs of rebranding I would complete secondary research to see if it supports the findings from my primary research. However when using secondary data I would have to be careful that the information was up to date and wasn’t biased. I would use a range of sources to provide me with secondary data such as census data, checkmyfile, crime data, economic activity and government profiles. I would research census data to see how many people in the area are unemployed this would show the economic needs of rebranding. The census data would also provide me with information about the social needs of an area as the census data includes information about education and health care provision in an area. Checkmyfile would also back up the information from the census data as it gives information about unemployment and also gives information about the social demographic of the area. This would help when investigating the needs of rebranding as it could show that the demographic is a certain way because of a poor service provision. Crime data would show the social needs for rebranding as it would show if there are high levels of crime in the area and would give an indication as to how safe the area was. If the results showed there was high crime in the area and the community didn’t feel very safe this would suggest there was a need for rebranding. Economic activity would provide me with information about the local areas economy and where people spent money in the local area. This would help to show the needs of rebranding as if there were few services in the area then there wouldn’t be much spending, it would also show if there was a lot of business in the area. The final piece of secondary data I would research to investigate the needs of rebranding would be government profiles of the are this would provide me with a whole range of social, environmental and economic indicators. When investigating the need for rebranding it is essential that I compare the results from my fieldwork and research to the results of an area that has experienced rebranding so I can look at the differences which would be where the main needs would lie.

Monday, July 29, 2019

Seven Habits of Highly Effective People Personal Statement

Seven Habits of Highly Effective People - Personal Statement Example Briefly, the 7 habits of highly effective people are summarized, to wit: Habit 1: Be Proactive; Habit 2: Begin with the end in mind; Habit 3: Put first things first; Habit 4: Think Win-Win; Habit 5: Seek first to understand, then to be understood; Habit 6: Synergize and Habit 7: Sharpen the saw (Covey 2004). Appreciation of these insights could be viewed in terms of remunerating each habit’s impact and influence in one’s life. The 7 habits were divided into sections which cover private victory (habits 1 to 3), public victory (habits 4 to 6) and finally, renewal (habit 7). In Covey’s quest to determine the factors that lead to highly successful people, he was able to deduce that personality and character ethics contribute to the success attainment. The first insight that struck as a promoter of positive change is the statement emphasizing that change starts from within. The insight encompasses all concepts and theories contained in Habit 1: Be Proactive. I share t he same personal conviction that the individual takes charge and is accountable for one’s own destiny. Nobody else should be blamed.

Sunday, July 28, 2019

The Punjab Conflict Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

The Punjab Conflict - Essay Example These have a history of resisting central control, and with historical ties to the territories, they occupy (Chenoweth and Lawrence 222). The problems experienced in Punjab mainly root from aspects that are associated with religion in the area. These attempted to separate the Shikhs from other ethnic communities in the area, for political gain. In the 20th Century, conflicts erupted when various new ideologies were developed among the Sikhs. These therefore, had required that the central government meets their demands, which were both religious and political. When the central government failed to meet their demands, tension built up in the 1980’s among Sikhs in Punjab and those in New Delhi. The Shikhs had sought a greater autonomy; for fear that, they were being assimilated into the greater cultural Indian and Hindu (Chenoweth and Lawrence 226). This led to massive violence, with detention of some Shikh leaders, as well as hundreds of the Sikhs. More than 3,000 civilians were killed, including troops, priests, and pilgrims. Sacred buildings were destroyed and political assassinations increased. The killing of Indira Gandhi by the Shikhs led to massive killings in New Delhi, claiming more than 2,000 lives. However, in 1985, a peace agreement was reached between the Indian government and the Shikhs. There followed a dismissal of the state government, and Punjab was put under president’s rule, which lasted up to 1992, when Beant Singh won the elections (Chenoweth and Lawrence 230). The Punjab violence of the 1990’s began when approximately 80 people were killed in two incidences of train bombings in 1991. In addition, the assassination of Beant Singh, the senior... This paper stresses that in the 1990’s during the new governance, the level of participation in conventional politics increased remarkably. The voter turnout for the municipal elections in September 1992 increased by 50 percent. In addition, voter turnout also was also high for gram panchayats in January 1993, and exceeded 70 percent. Generally, violence in Punjab declined during the years that followed. This report makes a conclusion that the government plays a critical role in different types of violence in a country. The involvement of the government in a conflict might result in either positive or negative consequences. The outcome of government intervention can only be positive, if it aims at ensuring fairness and equality of the involved parties. If fairness and justice is denied to either party, it is probable that the violence will escalate. In the case of Punjab conflict, there are two instances, where the government intervened differently. In the 1980’s conflict, violence was high because the central government denied the Sikhs their political rights. The government then resorted to an inappropriate way of solving the issue by killing the Sikhs, with some of their leaders. This led to increased violence. However, in the 1990’s when a new government took office, people were allowed to vote, unlike the 1980’s. In addition, the political participation of p eople was increased in various ways. Although elements of unfairness toward the Sikhs were still present, this could not compare to the 1980’s. Therefore, this quite fair involvement by the central government in the 1990’s led the level of violence to decrease in Punjab.

Saturday, July 27, 2019

Plea Bargaining Assignment Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Plea Bargaining Assignment - Essay Example Arreola declined to do either of the two options given to him explaining the Pomona police officers gave a false accusation. He was charged with resisting arrest, assaulting Hamilton as well as interfering with Pomona officers’ work by the Los Angeles County district attorneys office. During his trial, the jury acquainted Arreola after establishing that he was not guilty. He was awarded $260,000 in damages and the LAPD offered to reinstate him. Arreola’s case fits charge bargaining, where the prosecutors trade off serious offenses with lower crimes for a plea. Arreola was given the option to plead guilty for a lesser offense, but decline the plea. According to Rubin, â€Å"Arreola refused to consider a guilty plea in exchange for a lenient sentence† (Para 10). In the, case, Arreola emerged the beneficiary because he was acquainted and awarded $260,000 after he was found not guilty of the offense by the jury. Moreover, he never pleaded guilty for a lesser charge as was initially decided by the Los Angeles County district attorneys office. Rubin, Joel. â€Å"LAPD officer awarded $260,000 over arrest by Pomona police.† Los Angels Time January 24, 2014:A4. Accessed April 18, 2014

Friday, July 26, 2019

Business Ethic and Corporate Social Responsibility Essay

Business Ethic and Corporate Social Responsibility - Essay Example Oil is a major contributor to greenhouse gases which results in climate change. The company is on a drive to become more socially responsible by not only reducing its carbon footprints but by improving the safety of its work environment and is employees. In so doing it seeks to reduce the number of accidents and fatalities as well as the number of oil spills, blowouts and flarings at its operations globally. Shell has faced a lot of criticisms from the communities in which it operates and non-governmental organizations (NGO’s) that are concerned about the companies safety practices, the environment and human rights. The company is currently working with communities, its partners and NGO’s in order to deal with potential impacts and also to share the benefits that derive from operations and projects. Shell’s Display of its Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) According to the company’s CEO Vosser (2010, qtd. in Shell 2010), strong principles as well as the development of trust are fundamental to shells approach and the respect for human rights is deeply entrenched in the company’s General Business Principles which it proudly boasts as having being developed since 1976. Vosser (2010, qtd in Shell 2010) also reveals that the company has adopted transparency as a way of dealing with some of its problems at its operations in Nigeria which has been plagued by operational spills, spills arising from sabotage and spills arising from the theft of fuel. This allows it to keep track of spills in order to determine the main cause. With respect to safety, the company has signed up with the UN Global Compact LEAD which seeks to reinforce commitment by businesses to the principles of Global Compact. Shell has been a member of this group since 2000. The company’s safety measures has been heightened as a result of the BP Deepwater Ho rizon incident in the Gulf of Mexico which dominated the news all over the world in 2010 and the oil spill that resulted. Shell believes that it has the necessary skills and technical expertise to avert such a situation in its operations based on its stringent operating standards which it applies globally. This is a demonstration of its ability to operate in a socially responsible manner despite the diversity of challenges the company faces. Shell’s goal is zero fatality and zero accidents (Shell 2010). In terms of safety in its deepwater operations the company ensures that the persons employed in this area of its operations are properly trained and are competent to handle the requirements of the job. Shell’s focus on the environment lies in some key areas, including CO2, flaring, spills, and the company’s use of water. The company has invested in technology that will lead to more energy efficient refineries and chemical plants. To this end the company has devel oped carbon capture and storage technology to effectively reduce carbon emissions. The company is working assiduously to reduce gas flarings in Nigeria; one of its locations in which it seeks to tackle environmental problems head on. In order to assist in the improvement of standards and practices that may lead to environmental sustainability the company is working with some leading environmental organisations in the quest to adhere to proper environmental management of the energy sector. In addition to providing jobs and training for its employees, Shell also shares the benefits of its operations with the communities in which it operates by providing contracts for goods and services and by

Thursday, July 25, 2019

Final Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words - 1

Final - Essay Example Enlightenment presented us with an independent human being with free will and the reason he is provided with by nature. Some ideas of the philosophers of the Enlightenment are used today. Their philosophy differs much from the medieval one. For example, for Aristotle people are animals, which are immoral by nature. The opinion of the philosophers of the Enlightenment is quite the opposite. According to Jean Jacques Rousseau, people are on the contrary good by nature, but then our reality changes them. John Locke supports this idea stating that people have a reason by nature. Philosophy of the Enlightenment presents humans as creatures with free will and masters of their own life. â€Å"New† people were intelligent and had the ability to think and develop independently. The philosophic views of John Locke were supported by Voltaire. He was an active opponent of the church and religion as it imposed multiple ungrounded restrictions on people. The period of the Enlightenment is v ery important for the European history as it is characterized by break of the religious prejudices and the revival of human soul. Numerous masterpieces in various fields of art were created during this period. The Enlightenment changed the history of Europe having reduced the influence of church by affecting people’s minds. ... â€Å""In eighteenth-century France throne and altar were commonly spoken of as in close alliance; their simultaneous collapse ... would one day provide the final proof of their interdependence† (McManners). Napoleon created the terms â€Å"nationalism†, â€Å"nation of welfare†, which influenced the actions of many leaders. Some scholars state that Napoleon is a founder of dictatorship, however, they just do not pay attention to the significance of the French Revolution, while it played a very important role in the development of the modern democracy. It is essential to mention that the Revolution changed the position of women greatly. In pre-Revolutionary France women were considered to be â€Å"failed men† with no rights and influence. â€Å"Women’s testimony is in general light and subject to variation; this is why it is taken less seriously than that of men" as opposed to men, upon whom "Nature seems to have conferred†¦ the right to gover n." In general, "men are more capable than women of ably governing particular matters" ("Women"). The revolution and the example of Napoleon’s beloved Josephine made women re-think their position and provide them with the opportunities to penetrate political sphere. The Industrial Revolution and its impact on Europe The Industrial Revolution is the transition from manual labor to machine labor, from agrarian economy to industrial manufacturing. As a result agrarian society was transformed into industrial society. The Industrial Revolution is characterized by the rapid development of manufacturing on the basis of large-scale machine industry as well as the establishment of capitalism as a main economic system in the world. The industrial Revolution

Wednesday, July 24, 2019

How have culture and ethnicity been politicised in South Africa Essay

How have culture and ethnicity been politicised in South Africa - Essay Example The nation attained internal self-independence in 1994 following a successful fight against Apartheid. Since the end of the apartheid movement in 1994, South African politics has been majorly dominated by the ruling party; African National Congress (ANC). The ANC has been winning all the previous elections with 60 plus percentage. The lowest percentage of those coming in the last general election where ANC garnered 63% of the votes while the strongest opposition party known as the Democratic Alliance attained 18% of the votes. South Africa is among the most advanced states in Africa and the world over. However, the electorate that has been handling political matters has majorly been hinged on the race, the culture and the ethnic line from which the individual originates. For starters, the blacks majorly dominate ANC; the ruling party. The officials in charge of the party are blacks. The blacks also control the different wings of the party majorly the ANC Youth League as well as the ANC Women’s League. The South African situation contrasts the nations where the ruling party tends to embrace all the races within the nation. In the United States, for example, president Barrack Obama, serving final term in office, is regarded as of African American origin. The Democratic Alliance, the major political party in South Africa, is mostly associated with citizens of white origin. Politics is said to be hinged on races because out of all the elections that have been carried out in South Africa, the blacks who form the highest population of voters, have not accorded the Democratic Alliance much support. In as much as the ANC has always promised them radical change in terms of development and failed to honor most of the pledges, the blacks have normally rallied behind the ANC with the Democratic Alliance receiving support from the coloured people of various origins. Observers and stakeholders in various sectors have

The Service Encounter Diaries Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 5000 words

The Service Encounter Diaries - Essay Example 7. In order to improve on the restaurant, the manager absolutely must ensure that his/her first impressions team is up to the task of being friendly, cordial, and engaging with clients. Without this, the restaurant is not able to stand out; regardless of how low priced or tasty the food might be. 2: I had performed some online review in order to find the best mobile phone repair service that I could in the local area. After reading several online reviews, I came to have a high expectation of service as most of the customers of the store had written glowing reviews. 3: Upon entering the establishment, I was immediately greeted and asked if I could be helped. What was most interesting to me was that I was not just passed off to someone else once I explained my problem; instead, the person who greeted me was actually one of the repairmen himself and was able to take a look at my phone and quickly give me a cost and time estimate for how long the repairs would be. 4. I was pleasantly surprised by this level of service and decided I would have my phone repaired at this establishment; instead of wasting any more time looking for a lower price elsewhere. As a direct result of the first impression that I had and the level of knowledge that was exhibited to me, my decision to do business with the firm in question was solidified. 7. Although the service was exceptional, the only thing that I might recommend to change was the overall level of technical terms that the service professionals and repair staff would frequently use. Many customers might not understand these terms; as such, toning them down and putting things in more simple terms could definitely help. 3: On entering the store, I did not see any employees; other than the ones that were working the cash registers. This was odd to me as generally an H&M

Tuesday, July 23, 2019

Global Umbrella Branding and Marketing Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Global Umbrella Branding and Marketing - Essay Example Centrica Plc. effectively disputes the above stated theoretical propositions on consumer resistance to umbrella brands as an outcome of corporate practices or the poor performance of other products sharing the same brand name. While it publicly engages in philanthropic activities, the corporation has a poor labour relations record, has consistently proven itself a socially irresponsible company, and has fuelled claims that it is, in essence, a monopolistic, exploitative entity. Yet, this has not resulted in the above theorised consumer resistance and, indeed, has not halted Centrica Plc's expansion or stemmed its ever-spiralling success. While it can be argued that this is partially because there are no substitutes to Centrica's products and services, it is the position of this study that the aforementioned evidences the fact that the marketing and brand management of umbrella brands have the potential to overcome the challenges posed by corporate practices. The study proposes to examine umbrella brand management within the context of a global company. In so doing, the dissertation will argue that effective marketing strategies have the potential to negate the forces which incite consumer resistance. ... The study proposes to examine umbrella brand management within the context of a global company. In so doing, the dissertation will argue that effective marketing strategies have the potential to negate the forces which incite consumer resistance. The aforementioned shall be argued and established through reference to Centrica Plc. As presented in the preceding paragraph, the importance of the topic stems from its theoretical and practical implications. While not arguing against the validity of consumer resistance theories, the research will dispute the proposition that it cannot be offset by marketing strategies. Indeed, brand management, such as which Centrica Plc has proven itself proficient at, can negate the forces which incite consumer resistance to umbrella brands. Insofar as it will focus upon the validation of the aforementioned, the study's theoretical value derives from the fact that it will highlight the potential of the marketing of umbrella brands to offset consumer resistance. Furthermore, to the extent that it will highlight how Centrica managed to do so, the study has practical value. 3 Company Background Centrica Plc was formed in 1997 in the wake of the demerger of British Gas. Over the past decade, the corporation has experienced significant growth levels, largely due to its expansion both beyond Britain and beyond the energy market. With operations in all of North America, Germany, Norway, Spain and Belgium, Centrica is a testament to effective and successful strategic global brand management. Controlling 76% of the UK's domestic energy market and sourcing and supplying energy across the world, Centrica also owns the Automobile Association (AA), Goldfish (a credit card company), and has interests in the residential phone market, to

Monday, July 22, 2019

Understanding Terrorism Essay Example for Free

Understanding Terrorism Essay The word terrorism is derived from the word terror which means to instill fear or cowardice in someone. It also means to carry out acts that are considered inhuman with an aim of punishing or making life difficult and unbearable for the recipient of the terrorist acts. Terrorism is broad in its scope and it is for this reason that there has not been a specific definition for it. Even though there is yet to be a universally agreed definition of terrorism, there seems to be a unanimous agreement on the key components of terrorism. Some of these components include coercion and violence. Many studies have been conducted to unearth what causes terrorism, the tactics used by terrorists and targets for terrorist attacks. This discussion seeks to delve even further to find out what aspects drive terrorism (Lockyer. 2003). Objectives of Terrorist attacks There are a number of objectives with which terrorist attacks are committed. The main aim as already mentioned is to instill fear in the target party. Acts of terrorism are meant to make one afraid so that they do not continue with a particular state of affairs that may not be favorable to the attackers. Terrorism therefore is used to ensure that there is widespread fear (Lockyer. 2003). Terrorist attacks are also meant to create attention especially in the media so that the group responsible for the terrorist attacks can be recognized. Acts of terrorism are also carried out as a way of weakening; embarrassing and harassing the government through its security agencies by making it appear powerless and repressive. As a result, the government ends up overreacting and is thus subjected to public ridicule (Gus. 2009). Thornton, in his book, Terror as Weapon of Political Agitation, argues that one of the main objectives for terrorist attacks is to build morale within the terrorist group. Whenever they carry out the deadly attacks, the terrorists feel that their impact in the society is felt and this makes them feel significant within their organization. Terrorism groups also engage in their dubious activities as a way of provoking some form of response or feedback especially from the government. It is thus sometimes used as a way of making known the grievances of a particular group to the government (Bernard. 2007). Tactics Terrorist groups have a number of tactics they use in carrying out their activities. Their tactics are such that they are not easily suspected by the law enforcement agencies. Terrorism mainly comes as a result of unresolved conflict especially between the terrorist group and the government in power. The terrorist group therefore attempts by all means to frustrate any efforts by the government. This they do in a number of ways. Some of these tactics include religion fanaticism where people are sort of brainwashed to join certain religious groups which tend to control the manner in which people think and make their decisions. They therefore brainwash people into thinking that the government in power do not have their best interests at heart and this leads to rebellion against the government by the people (Lockyer. 2003). At times, terrorist groups can declare open opposition to the government of the day, as a tactic of carrying out their motives. For example, the very recent attack on the capital city of Uganda, Kampala, is said to be linked to Al Shabab who are opposed to the provision of peace keeping troops in Somalia. Other tactics include depriving the population of their basic economic needs so as to lead to a public outcry. At times, the terrorist groups can impose that there should be only a certain form of government as opposed to the form of government that currently governs a certain country. For example, in Somalia, the Al Shabaab group has been very opposed to the government of Somali and they have made several attempts to take over the government (Gus. 2009). Targets There are various targets that a terrorist group may have depending on their motives. It also depends on the ideologies and beliefs held by the group. For example, a terrorist group that is opposed to a certain religion will always target areas that are frequently visited by that group. If it is a multinational company that is at the center of controversy, then top officials may be targeted by the terrorist groups (Bernard. 2007). New Terrorism This term was coined after the September 11 2001 attacks which resulted to death of at least 3,000 people. Although there is not much that has changed in terms of tactics and objectives with the coming of new terrorism, it is believed that this new concept is more destructive than the former. This is because, while old terrorism aimed at creating attention and making known to the society that the group exists with as little damage as possible, new terrorism aims at creating destruction that is devastating and they will go to any measure to achieve their motives. This means that they objectives of terrorism have changed with coming in of new terrorism (Gus. 2009). Something else to note is that new terrorism is quite organized unlike old terrorism. New terrorism has a hierarchy of command and there are various ranks which move horizontally rather than vertically. New terrorism is also bended on religion more while old terrorism was bended on political ideologies. With several recent attacks being linked to the Al Qaeda group, these distinctions seem quite true. However, looking at the two concepts from a critical point of view, we note that indeed there is not much difference especially in terms of tactics and target. The new terrorism may seem to have changed the manner in which the dubious activities are carried out, but the underlying principles still remain the same (James. 2010). Role of the Media in Terrorism The media is a powerful tool of communication especially to the public. This is so because it is able to reach multitudes of people which other forms of communication may not be able to. For this reason, the media has for along time been used by terrorists to advance their propaganda and other terrorism activities. A good example is that of Osama Bin Laden who has always used the media to communicate the threat and hate messages by the Al Qaeda group (Gus. 2009). Due to the number of people the media is able to reach at any given time, the role played by the media either in stopping or encouraging terrorism is quite tremendous. The language used by the media for instance, when they are reporting on terrorism matters greatly. The words they choose will depend on how the audience of the news will react. A couple of studies have been carried out to establish the relationship that exists between the media and acts of terrorism. On more than one instance, the relationship between the media and terrorism has been described as a symbiotic one. This means that they depend on each other either wholly or partly and that none of the two is considered complete without the indulgence of the other. The symbiotic relationship exists in this manner that terrorist groups usually use the media to pass their message across to the target groups. On the other hand, when the media receives information from the terrorist groups it is treated as exciting as it will catch the attention of the public hence the media becomes popular (Bernard. 2007). Janny de Graff, in his book Violence as Communication, asserts that more often than not journalists tend to adopt the language of their sources. This means that whenever a journalist interviews a terrorist, there is a high possibility that the journalist will unknowingly pick the language of the terrorist. If then the journalist will use the same language to report to the public, there are high chances that such a report will result into a public uproar (James. 2010). Terrorism has major impacts on any given country. It is therefore important that governments of all countries guard jealously against terrorism to ensure that all their citizens are protected. Terrorism has seen great countries especially in the Middle East tumble down. It is not possible to overemphasize the importance of guarding any country against terrorism. It is one of the main ways of ensuring that a country does not fall apart References Adam, Lockyer. (2003). The relationship between media and terrorism, New York: Routlegde. Martin, G. (2009). Understanding Terrorism: Challenges, Perspectives, and Issues, New York: SAGE. Phillips, B. (2007). Understanding terrorism: building on the sociological imagination, New York: Paradigm Publishers. Poland, J. (2010). Understanding Terrorism: Groups, Strategies, and Responses. Washington: Prentice Hall.

Sunday, July 21, 2019

Understanding Predictors of Sexually Coercive Behaviour

Understanding Predictors of Sexually Coercive Behaviour Abstract Purpose: In order to end or at least improve education and reduce sexual coercion, it is crucial to identify the variables that play a part in such behaviour. Method: One hundred and thirty students (57 female and 73 males) ranging in age from 18 to 26 were randomly approached at one of three university campuses and completed a questionnaire battery. Results: Overall 91.7% of respondents reported to have never been sexually coercive. Logistic regression analysis, using a dichotomised criterion of coercion, established that frequent pornography and potential sports team membership increased the potential of coercion. Conclusion: Introduction Over the past three decades a plethora of research has concentrated upon the factors involved in and the repercussions of sexual assault, victimisation and perpetration (Abbey, McAuslan, 2004). Sexual experiences and behaviours are often complex involving; moral and gender stereotyped beliefs, social learning, peer interaction and biological factors. An important part of maturity is developing appropriate sexual beliefs that enable the adolescent to control sexual urges and to manage the consequences when such urges are not controlled. Problems begin to arise when individuals apply pressure or force in a coercive manner in order to obtain sexual intercourse. Sexual coercion is persistent within society and both males and females serve as victims as well as perpetrators (Sigleman, Berry Wiles, 1984). However, more often than not offenders are young, male and anti-social (Ellis Walsh, 2000). A vast spectrum of research (Koss, Gidycz, Wisniewski, 1987, Forbes Adams Curtis, 2001, Warkentin Gidycz, 2007, Martà ­n, Vergeles, Acevedo, Sà ¡nchez Visa, 2005, Lacasse Mendelson, 2007) also suggests that a large proportion of sexually coercive behaviours occur within university settings. Some suggest that the sexually promiscuous environment promotes sexually coercive behaviours and attitudes resulting in a number of sexual assault and date rape offences (Douglas, Collins Warren, 1997, Brener, McMahon, Warren, Douglas, 1999, Koss, Gidycz, Wisniewski, 1987). Research using student samples also seems to suggest that males who play sports, use pornography, have hyper-masculine sex beliefs and mating strategies will report using and accepting sexually coercive behaviours (Martà ­n, Vergeles, Acevedo, Sà ¡nchez Visa, 2005, Lacasse Mendelson, 2007). Further problems arise with what constitutes sexual coercion and when does coercion become attempted rape or rape. Legal definitions are often confusing and broad, the general population usually define rape as vaginal, oral or anal intercourse or attempted intercourse against a person’s will or if the person is unable to give full consent (Humphrey Kahn, 2000; Abbey, BeShears, Clinton-Sherrod McAuslan, 2004). Sexual abuse which incorporates sexual coercion is generally defined as behaviour that covers a range of sex acts which includes physically forced sexual contact and verbally coercive intercourse. Due to the ambiguous definitions police reported prevalence often underestimates the problem (Senn, Desmarais, Verberg, Wood, 2000). Further to these issues some victims fail to realise that they are in fact themselves victims (Pollard, 1992). If the perpetrator is known to the victim they are often reluctant to label the incident as rape. There are also conflicting views to what constitutes ‘intercourse’. Sonenstein, Ku, Lindberg, Turner, Pleck, (1998) argued that men attribute vastly different definitions to the word ‘sex’ when compared to women. Bogart, Cecil, Wagstaff, Pinkerton, Abramson, (2000) and Sanders, Reinish (1999) both found that over half of their participants would not define oral sex as sex. Even more participants did not class an act to be ‘sex’ if one or both of those involved did not have an orgasm. As a consequence of these ambiguous definitions some sexual behaviours may not be perceived as sexual acts and both the victim and perpetrator may be under estimating the seriousness of some behaviours. Research in this subject area has tended to use large representative samples (Abbey et al. 2004). A smaller number of studies have used self reports to estimate the prevalence of sexual coercion. The majority of research has concentrated upon the student population as many studies have shown a generalised problem among university students (Abbey et al. 2004, Martin et al. 2005). Sexual abuse and coercive behaviours will arguably be prevalent in the student population as individuals are still trying to form their identities. Adolescents have powerful motives for sexual intercourse due to pressure from social stereotypes and peers as sex is often viewed as a male conquest. Sexual coercion is said to be a social problem that reflect the stereotypes portrayed by a sexist society (Brownmiller, 1975). Maskay and McCreary-Juhasz (1983) argue that most students will be pressured to engage in sexual activity by either internal or external forces. Arguably males are more likely to hold sexists attitudes and condone sexually coercive behaviours which may be why they are predominantly perpetrators (Monson, Langhinrichsen-Rohling,, Binderup, 2000). Female students have continuously been highlighted as being at high risk of coercion in to unwanted sexual behaviour (Mouzon, Battle, Clark, Coleman, Ogletree, 2005) as females aged 16 to 24 experience rape at a level four times higher than the general female population (Parrot, Cummings, Marchell Hofher, 1994). In a vast range of research that has been conducted with university students what became apparent is that rape perpetration ranges from 6% to 15%, sexual assault ranges from 22% to 57% and 85% of females reported that their date was a perpetrator of sexual coercion(Abbey et al. 2004). These varying estimates may be in part due to differing methodologies or the varying definitions of sexual coercion. However what remains clear is that sexual assault and coercion is a serious problem even if we only consider the lower estimates. Coupled with these estimates, 25-60% of male students admitted they would force a female to have sex if they thought they wouldn’t be caught (Russell, 1993, cited in Emmers Sommer, Allen, 1999). Despite a wide range of research in this area over the past decade it has become apparent that there are difficulties in eliciting reliable accounts of sexual coercion and therefore intercourse. Some participant may minimise the number of sexual partners where as in many societies young males exaggerate sexual experiences because it as seen as a measure of manhood (Boohene, 1991). As a whole sexual victimisation has been a serious problem on university campuses. Despite efforts from the universities highlighting the risks students put themselves at not much has changed and the prevalence of such behaviours has shown little fluctuation over this time period. It is important to note that sexual aggression varies greatly among different universities (Koss, et al.1987). It seems viable that in order to attempt to tackle this ongoing problem the factors or social situation that influence or exacerbate such behaviours need to be identified. All men are arguably exposed to similar social experiences, however only a small proportion of these go on to engage in sexually coercive behaviours. The question must be why does this minority conduct these behaviours and accept sexual coercive tactics, what are the mediating factors and how can it be prevented? The literature examining the use and acceptance of sexual coercion suggests that certain variables remain consistent (Emmers-Sommer, Allen, 1999). Despite over 47 variables being associated with sexual coercion (Frank, 1989) they generally fall in to one of two categories; psychological and physical pressure (Struckman-Johnson, 1988). Psychological takes the form of verbal pressure, where as physical involves threat of harm to an individual if they refuse to engage in intercourse. Koss (1989) referred to psychological as being implied force and physical as being explicit force. Several studies have concluded that verbal coercion is often the most commonly used coercive tactic (Mouzon et al. 2005). Within a university setting it was apparent in the majority (58.6%) of coercive incidents, the male carried on even though the female had stated ‘No’ (Muehlenhard Linton, 1986). Verbal coercion is a negative level of persuasion that can take the form of; blackmail, persuasion, lies, false promises, guilt or threats to end a relationship (Walner-Haugrud, 1995). Many males use verbal coercion as it leaves the victim with a lack of choices to pursue that don’t have severe social or physical consequences (Heise, Moore, Toubia, 1995). Sexual intercourse may actual seem like the easiest option in order to escape constant pressure or to avoid negative consequences including threats to a relationship (Livingston, Buddie, Testa VanZile-Tamsen, 2004). The anticipation of a negative reaction from their partner was significantly associated with a woman’s decreased ability to refuse sex and over 40% of females engaged in intercourse due to constant pressure (Koss, 1985) . However when females are seen to ‘give in’ to intercourse due to the social and emotional pressures it is debated whether this is true victimization (Muehlehard Peterson, 2004). Regardless of this viewpoint the presence of verbal coercion is consistent in dating relationships, 93% of coercive acts reported by females involved a male that was known to them (Testa Livingston,1999). With regard to university campuses, social circles constantly overlap thus increasing the likelihood the victim, her friends or acquaintances will now the perpetrator. Dating situation can often be ambiguous with pressure from societies expectation of gender stereotyped roles and traditional dating scripts. These expectations and pressures can often lead to attitudes of rape justifiability and victim willingness. Males are often viewed by a western society as being dominant and aggressive. Therefore some males want to uphold this view often resulting in hyper-masculinity. Malamuth, Linz, Heavey, Barnes, Aker (1995) argue the views of these males will be strengthened especially in a university setting. Their ‘Confluence model’ states that variables such as sexual promiscuity or hyper-masculinity will influence sexually coercive behaviour and attitudes. Some male’s think they are justified in being coercive towards their date especially if they the female accepted the date, they have paid for the date or the female invited him back to her residence (Feltey, Ainslie Geib, 1991). Such behaviours are justified as being acceptable as certain males believe because the female has ‘allowed’ him to take the ‘lead’ role then she must be willing to engage in intercourse or he is justified in pursuing intercourse without consent as she ‘owes’ him (Parrot, 1990). Surprisingly some females agree that a man is justified in having sex with a female against her will if she willingly goes back to his house (Muehlenhard, 1988). Even when dating scripts are reversed and the female initiates or pays for the date some males still perceive this as the female’s willingness to engage in intercourse. These males are likely to assume that females who initiate or take control are experienced or ‘easy’. The males described in these situations are more likely to blame the female if sex occurs, are more likely to endorse rape justifiable attitudes and are less likely to perceive that coercion took place (Parrot, 1990). Reassuringly, 98% of university students agreed that using coercion to obtain sex is not acceptable regardless of other dating factors (Cook, 1995). Some behaviours do not have the ambiguity of whether they are coercive or not for example the use of force, threat or weapons are unequivocal examples of sexual coercion. Koss et al. (1987) argued that over half of their student sample were sexual victimized and 6% stated they had been raped in the past year whilst at university. Fisher, Cullen, Turner (2000) reported much lower figures of around 11% for sexual victimization and 2% raped in the past 7 months. These differences could indicate a decline in sexually coercive behaviour however it may be more likely due to differing definitions of sexually coercive behaviours and the different time frames used. Taking even the lower estimates it appears that a significant proportion of students have endured some form of sexual coercion during a relatively small time frame. However research has continually highlighted that the number of reported incidents of sexual coercion by females will always out weight the number of self reports by males (Koss et al.1987). Therefore it appears that there are marked gendered differences in the way both sexes perceive and report sexually coercive behaviours. The gendered differences in attitudes towards sexual behaviour general highlight that males are more sexually permissive and more interested in casual sex and women tend to have an emotional tie (Forbes, Adam-Curtis, 2004). Despite some decline in these gender differences, the issue of casual sex remains the same. Males are twice as likely as females to approve of casual sex and four times as likely to think attractiveness is a sufficient enough reason to have sex (Feignbaum Weinstein, 1995). Males also believed it is ‘normal’ for intercourse to occur after eight dates whereas females argued it would be nearer to 12 (Cohen Shortland, 1996). This sample of male students may therefore have unrealistic dating scripts. Expecting intercourse to occur four dates sooner than females may result in the female perceiving the males advances as being sexually coercive whereas the male believe his behaviours are the next ‘logical’ step. Such differences in sexual expectations may be a major contributing factor to the discrepancies between recorded and self reported behaviours. Discrepancies may also be attributed to some men perpetrating multiple acts as recidivism rates are often low. Rubenzahl (1998) reported that within his student sample 29% reported being sexually coercive on more than five occasions. The underlying differences in attitudes towards sexual coercion may lie with the conditioning of males and females, and their assumed gender identity. Embracing the identity of being masculine or feminine will have an effect upon perceptions of appropriate or inappropriate behaviour, and the decisions regarding engaging in intercourse. As gender identities are diametrically opposed, society views real mean as those who have sex and women, who are ladies, do not (Muehlenhard, McCoy, 1991). Males who adopt this gender identity have more traditional values and expectation. As discussed previously, these males will ask for the date, pay for the date, initiate sex and ultimately endorse sexually coercive strategies. Such males are also more likely to believe that females engage in ‘Token Resistance’, in that they say no in order to preserve their feminine identity, even though they are willing to engage in sexual intercourse. Others believe that token resistance may actually be a change of intention rather than a self protective factor (Shortland, Hunter, 1995). Around 40% of college women admitted they had engaged in token resistance, even though they planned to have sexual intercourse (Shortland, Hunter, 1995) and 17% make regular practice of it (Muehlenhard Hollabaugh, 1988).Therefore, even if the female truly means ‘No’, a minority of males will still pursue intercourse as they perceive it to be the female being coy or bluffing to protect h er reputation. Given that males and females are expected, by the rules that govern society, to act in opposing ways and that some males believe because of these expectations, females say ‘no’ when they in fact mean ‘yes’, it is hardly surprising that coercive behaviours become problematic. Confusion for males will obviously arise when females they have previously engaged in sexual intercourse with have used token resistance. Problems will arise when the same male engages with other females, yet uses his previous experience as a rule of thumb. Some women use verbal and non verbal cues, along with the physical resistance to refuse sexual advances from a male. As discussed verbal cues are often confusing especially as ‘no’ can often mean ‘yes’. Consent is also usually signalled by doing nothing during sexual advances, therefore further issues may arise for the male in that lack of consent is not necessarily a spoken ‘no’. Men are also mo re likely to perceive a wide variety of non verbal, verbal and situational variables as cues for a female’s sexual interest (Koukounds, Letch, 2001). Non verbal cues are said to be the least direct and effective methods of resistance (VanWie, Gross, 2001). Environmental factors such as a college setting and, â€Å"perpetrator characteristics, personality and previous sexual experience enhance a man’s willingness to act upon his coercive beliefs and attitudes† (Berkowitz, Burkhart, Bourg, 1994 p.6). White, Donat, Humphrey’s (1995) suggest that it is not specific cognitive beliefs but negativity towards women that is associated with sexual coercion. Therefore holding supportive attitudes in the absence of other variables such as hostility may not contribute to sexual coercion. Attitudes of a coercive nature however do not just appear but they are in part due to socialisation. Attitudes are modelled and developed at home, school, by the media and our peers; they are also in part influenced by our own personality. Hostility towards females and sensation seeking is such aspects of personality that is linked towards sexual coercive behaviours (Berkowitz, 1992). Much of the sexual coercion literature has focused upon fraternity and sports team members with the majority suggesting that those who individuals who are associated with either group are more likely to commit sexual assault. This viewpoint has gained momentum within the popular media (Martin, Hummer, 1989) however from an academic perspective the results are mixed. Koss and Gains (1993) argue that both athletic membership and living in a fraternity were significantly related to the severity of the incident but only athletic membership was a significant predictor. However, Lackie and DeMan (1997) argues the opposite in that fraternity membership not athletic membership predicted sexual assault. One of the many reasons for this is that, some sports teams especially on modern university campuses are mixed sex or if they are single sex affiliated teams share transport and training resources. Also many fraternities do not represent the stereotypical view of hyper-masculine, alcohol fuelled environments and they actually promote equal rights and community service. However a number studies, (Boeringer,1999, Sawyer, Thompson, Chicorelli, 2002, Forbes, Adams-Curtis, Pakalka, White, 2006) have highlighted relationships between group memberships, acceptance of rape myths, objectification of women and admiration of violence. Each of these variables has been constantly related to sexual aggression and coercion. It is important however to understand that such attitudes are developmental and aggression towards females does not just manifest during college. Such attitudes develop throughout the life course and participation is sports, college experiences, the pressure from peers or male gender roles may reinforce these existing attitudes (Forbes, Adam-Curtis, 2001). Peers will provide justification and support for each other’s sexually aggressive tactics. Athletes were over responsible for 19% of sexual assaults despite only accounting for 3% of the overall university population (Crosset, Benedict, 1995). On the other hand self report questionnaires highlighted that sexual assault by members of athletic teams or fraternity memberships were no different than non members (Jackson, 1991). Closely tied in with the theory of masculinity is the role of males peers in socialisation and initiation of sexual beliefs (Brooks-Gunn, Furstenberd, 1989). ‘Frat’ membership is good reflection of the pressure applied to peers to hold narrow masculine views (Senn, Desmarais, Verberg, Wood, 2000). The link between ‘frat’ houses, sports team and sexual coercion may be a reflection of the psychological characteristics of the group such as hostility and dominance over women not the purpose of the group itself that is associated with sexual coercion. Further variables such as pornography usage have been linked to sexual assault and sexual coercion. Within some student populations and arguably some ‘frat’ houses or university halls of residence social affairs involve pornographic entertainment which may further reinforce sexually aggressive behaviour. The concern surrounding pornography usage is that substantial research (Williams, Cooper, Howell, Yuille, Paulhus, 2009) argues it promotes sexual misbehaviour. Such effects are arguably stronger when the exposure is self induced (e.g. DVD’s and internet based searches) rather than involuntary (e.g. pop ups and spam emails). Experimental studies (Williams et al. 2009) seem to suggest that exposing males to pornography increases fantasies, willingness to rape and acceptance of rape myths. Malamuth, Neil, Koss, (2000) argue that there is an association between pornography usage and sexually aggressive behaviours in that those who had higher levels of viewing were at a greater risk for being sexually aggressive. However they also suggest that those males who are already aggressive in nature are at a far greater risk than those who are not aggressive. Boeringer (1994) had previously concluded that males exposed frequently to violent pornography were six times more likely to report rape supporting attitudes and behaviours compared to a sample with low exposure. Exposure to pornography may reinforce the notion that having multiple partners is normal and having a steady relationship in undesirable. Pornography also fails to deal with real life relationship problems. Some issues such as affection, communication, dating scripts or the consequences of promiscuous sexual behaviour are avoided. Viewing material of this nature especially on a frequent basis exposes the individual to perverted sex acts that are otherwise unimaginable and instead are regarded as exciting thus desensitising the individual to the content. Some 12% of males imitated pornography during a sexually abusive incident (Bergen, Raquel Kennedy, 2000). It is important however to remember that a number of individuals watch pornography on a regular basis and no not engage in sex crimes. It is important however to argue that the relationship between pornography and sexual coercion is not simply due to levels of exposure and moderating factors must be considered. The combination of peers with attitudes that justify coercion, pornography usage and hyper-masculinity and an appreciation of violence often found in some sports teams may all interact and contribute to sexual coercion. The age at which individuals have their first sexual experience and the number of partners they have had may lead to more coercive attitudes and behaviours. Factors such as impersonal sex and lack of intimacy are associated with both promiscuity and sexual coercion. A number of studies (Forbes et al. 2001, Senn at al. 2000, Martin et al. 2005) have found those that had admitted to endorsing or perpetrating sexual coercion had more sexual partners and early age of first intercourse than a non coercive sample. Those males that are sexually coercive and have had a high number of partners will be active daters and the frequency of their sexual contact can increases their likelihood to commit sexually coercive acts (Byers Eno, 1991). In summary, â€Å"the more sexually the young man, the longer he is active and the greater number of sexual partners the more likely some assaultive behaviour will occur at least once† (White Koss, 1993 p.144 ). It is apparent that a number of different variables can contribute to the acceptance and reinforcement of sexually coercive behaviours. The complexity of this relationship can arguably only be understood by taking human evolution and natural selection into account. In line with previous research evolutionary theory argues sexual coercion occurs in aggressive males who are more eager to mate, are sexually assertive and are less discriminative when choosing a mate (Thornhill Palmer, 2000). Those male with a high sex drive that are thwarted by a female when they are sexually aroused may respond in a sexually coercive manner (Kanin, 1969). Females on the other hand have different reproductive strategies as they are more selective because they contribute more long term effort to the reproduction of the offspring (McKibbin, Shackelford, Goetz, Starratt, 2008). Such difference may be attributed to the gender differences in attitudes towards casual sex and some males desire to have multiple partners. Evolutionary psychologists propose a number of different explanations of individual difference in sexual coercion. Those males that have low parental investment due to the nature of their unstable environment such as university may trigger development patterns leading to a high mating effort. These individuals may have multiple partners due to their desire for greater investment in reproduction. This potential for reproduction ‘pays off’ as a greater number of partners may result in a greater number of offspring. Such behaviour patterns are supported by risk taking strategies that are apparent in sexually coercive behaviour. Adaption theory suggests that sexual coercion is a conditional strategy. Its main argument is that those males who have low mating value and have failed with non sexually coercive tactics use conditional mating strategies such as sexual coercion in order to improve their number of sexual partners because these behaviours are now adaptive (Gladden, Sisco, Figueredo, 2008). Further arguments surround the notion that sexual coercion is a by-product of trait differences between genders to ensure that males do not miss sexual opportunities. Selection for a greater variety in sexual encounters (casual sex) by males and for some to act aggressively could result in sexual coercion as a side effect of these traits. From an evolutionary perspective those individuals that adapt behaviour to context adaptive problems (domain specific adaptive mechanisms) tend to out compete rivals that pursue invariant behaviour tactics. It may be in these specific context cues trigger coercive behaviours such that a male who was coercive as a by product of an interest in casual sex maybe also be high in aggression and be willing to use force as they lack normal inhibitions. On the contrary those males that use coercion because they have low status may have normal inhibitions against forcing women however may alter these inhibitions when the female acts inappropriately according to gender stereotypes i.e. initiates the date or invites him back to her home. Based on this argument it appears that different predictors of sexual coercion will correlate preferentially with different types of offences. By expanding this research to consider more fundamental evolutionary constructs such as mating effort and sex strategies, it may be possible to think about sexual coerciveness theoretically. Hypothesis It is predicted that a higher score on a measure of self-reported sexually aggressive tactics will be positively correlated with greater impulsivity, more stereotyped sexual attitudes, active sports team participation, greater pornography use, higher levels of mating effort and residing within university halls of residence. It is further predicted that males will believe using sexual coercive behaviours is more acceptable than females and they will admit to higher levels or perpetration than females. Method Design The study will be a within-subjects correlational study, and examines the use and acceptance of sexually coercive tactics among university students. The study will use higher self-rated scores on measures of sexual coercion as the criterion variable and sexual experience, impulsivity-sensation seeking, sexual beliefs and whether the participant lives in halls, is a member of a sports team, if they use pornography and mating effort as the predictor variables. Participants Participants were recruited via opportunistic sampling around various public areas of a University campus and online via a social networking website. Participants in this study composed of University students ranging from first years to postgraduate level. A total of 130 students participated in the study 73 male and 57 female. The participants included in the analyses were aged between 18 and 26 the overall mean age was 22.2 years (SD= 1.58). Furthermore about 43 % were said to be in a long term relationship, 43 % dated casually, 15 % didn’t date and only2 % were married or engaged. The vast majority of participants (96 %) indicated they were heterosexual, with 2 % being homosexual and 1 % being bi sexual. Materials Within the questionnaire battery participants were asked to provide demographic information which included; gender, age, the age at which participants willingly has sexual intercourse, the number of sexual partners they have had, whether they lived in halls of residence, whether they were part of a single or mixed sex sports team, and whether they used pornography. Further measures include: The SES Scale (sexual experiences scale, Koss Oros, 1982). A 10 item scale was used to measure the participant’s involvement in acts of sexual coercion. From this measure it is possible to collect data regarding four different types of sexual aggression (sexual contact, sexual coercion, attempted rape and rape). As this scale is currently devised for male participants a revised version for females will created simply by changing the use of male to female. This will be altered as it may be possible for some females to use sexually coercive behaviours. The respondents answer ‘yes’ of ‘no’ to a series of items in a self report format. With regard to rape it will not be possible for women participants to respond ‘yes’ however the scale will be able to identify other sexually coercive behaviours The measure is used to detect sexual assault even when the perpetrator is unaware that his behaviour constitutes a crime. The SES is one of the most frequently used measures of assessing sexually aggressive behaviours and reliability and validity are very good. The SES was found to be of good internal consistency reliability with a Cronbach alpha =.89, and has re-test reliability of .93 (Koss Gidycz, 1985) and validity of .61(Koss Gidycz, 1985). The scale has been used with women were the internal consistency was found to be .74(Koss Gidycz, 1985). The Impulsive Sensation Seeking subscale of the Zuckerman-Kuhlman Personality Questionnaire (ZKPQ-ImpSS; Zuckerman, Kuhlman, Joirement, Teta, Kraft, 1993). A 19 item impulsivity sensation seeking subscale requires participants to answer true or false to whether they felt the statements were descriptive of themselves. Higher scores indicate participants who have higher levels of sensation seeking. Research has found the scale has a Cronbach alpha of .77 and a test retest reliability of .80 (Zuckerman, 2002). The Sexual Strategies Questionnaire (SSQ Struckman- Johnson and Struckman-Johnson, 1991). Participants are asked to consider 10 different items in relation to a date scenario vignette. Item are devised to measure acceptability of different sexually coercive tactics. Within the scale there are 10 levels of sexual coercion, the least severe being use of isolation (item 1) ranging to moderately severe, alcohol used as a specific tactic (item 6) and most severely the use of Understanding Predictors of Sexually Coercive Behaviour Understanding Predictors of Sexually Coercive Behaviour Abstract Purpose: In order to end or at least improve education and reduce sexual coercion, it is crucial to identify the variables that play a part in such behaviour. Method: One hundred and thirty students (57 female and 73 males) ranging in age from 18 to 26 were randomly approached at one of three university campuses and completed a questionnaire battery. Results: Overall 91.7% of respondents reported to have never been sexually coercive. Logistic regression analysis, using a dichotomised criterion of coercion, established that frequent pornography and potential sports team membership increased the potential of coercion. Conclusion: Introduction Over the past three decades a plethora of research has concentrated upon the factors involved in and the repercussions of sexual assault, victimisation and perpetration (Abbey, McAuslan, 2004). Sexual experiences and behaviours are often complex involving; moral and gender stereotyped beliefs, social learning, peer interaction and biological factors. An important part of maturity is developing appropriate sexual beliefs that enable the adolescent to control sexual urges and to manage the consequences when such urges are not controlled. Problems begin to arise when individuals apply pressure or force in a coercive manner in order to obtain sexual intercourse. Sexual coercion is persistent within society and both males and females serve as victims as well as perpetrators (Sigleman, Berry Wiles, 1984). However, more often than not offenders are young, male and anti-social (Ellis Walsh, 2000). A vast spectrum of research (Koss, Gidycz, Wisniewski, 1987, Forbes Adams Curtis, 2001, Warkentin Gidycz, 2007, Martà ­n, Vergeles, Acevedo, Sà ¡nchez Visa, 2005, Lacasse Mendelson, 2007) also suggests that a large proportion of sexually coercive behaviours occur within university settings. Some suggest that the sexually promiscuous environment promotes sexually coercive behaviours and attitudes resulting in a number of sexual assault and date rape offences (Douglas, Collins Warren, 1997, Brener, McMahon, Warren, Douglas, 1999, Koss, Gidycz, Wisniewski, 1987). Research using student samples also seems to suggest that males who play sports, use pornography, have hyper-masculine sex beliefs and mating strategies will report using and accepting sexually coercive behaviours (Martà ­n, Vergeles, Acevedo, Sà ¡nchez Visa, 2005, Lacasse Mendelson, 2007). Further problems arise with what constitutes sexual coercion and when does coercion become attempted rape or rape. Legal definitions are often confusing and broad, the general population usually define rape as vaginal, oral or anal intercourse or attempted intercourse against a person’s will or if the person is unable to give full consent (Humphrey Kahn, 2000; Abbey, BeShears, Clinton-Sherrod McAuslan, 2004). Sexual abuse which incorporates sexual coercion is generally defined as behaviour that covers a range of sex acts which includes physically forced sexual contact and verbally coercive intercourse. Due to the ambiguous definitions police reported prevalence often underestimates the problem (Senn, Desmarais, Verberg, Wood, 2000). Further to these issues some victims fail to realise that they are in fact themselves victims (Pollard, 1992). If the perpetrator is known to the victim they are often reluctant to label the incident as rape. There are also conflicting views to what constitutes ‘intercourse’. Sonenstein, Ku, Lindberg, Turner, Pleck, (1998) argued that men attribute vastly different definitions to the word ‘sex’ when compared to women. Bogart, Cecil, Wagstaff, Pinkerton, Abramson, (2000) and Sanders, Reinish (1999) both found that over half of their participants would not define oral sex as sex. Even more participants did not class an act to be ‘sex’ if one or both of those involved did not have an orgasm. As a consequence of these ambiguous definitions some sexual behaviours may not be perceived as sexual acts and both the victim and perpetrator may be under estimating the seriousness of some behaviours. Research in this subject area has tended to use large representative samples (Abbey et al. 2004). A smaller number of studies have used self reports to estimate the prevalence of sexual coercion. The majority of research has concentrated upon the student population as many studies have shown a generalised problem among university students (Abbey et al. 2004, Martin et al. 2005). Sexual abuse and coercive behaviours will arguably be prevalent in the student population as individuals are still trying to form their identities. Adolescents have powerful motives for sexual intercourse due to pressure from social stereotypes and peers as sex is often viewed as a male conquest. Sexual coercion is said to be a social problem that reflect the stereotypes portrayed by a sexist society (Brownmiller, 1975). Maskay and McCreary-Juhasz (1983) argue that most students will be pressured to engage in sexual activity by either internal or external forces. Arguably males are more likely to hold sexists attitudes and condone sexually coercive behaviours which may be why they are predominantly perpetrators (Monson, Langhinrichsen-Rohling,, Binderup, 2000). Female students have continuously been highlighted as being at high risk of coercion in to unwanted sexual behaviour (Mouzon, Battle, Clark, Coleman, Ogletree, 2005) as females aged 16 to 24 experience rape at a level four times higher than the general female population (Parrot, Cummings, Marchell Hofher, 1994). In a vast range of research that has been conducted with university students what became apparent is that rape perpetration ranges from 6% to 15%, sexual assault ranges from 22% to 57% and 85% of females reported that their date was a perpetrator of sexual coercion(Abbey et al. 2004). These varying estimates may be in part due to differing methodologies or the varying definitions of sexual coercion. However what remains clear is that sexual assault and coercion is a serious problem even if we only consider the lower estimates. Coupled with these estimates, 25-60% of male students admitted they would force a female to have sex if they thought they wouldn’t be caught (Russell, 1993, cited in Emmers Sommer, Allen, 1999). Despite a wide range of research in this area over the past decade it has become apparent that there are difficulties in eliciting reliable accounts of sexual coercion and therefore intercourse. Some participant may minimise the number of sexual partners where as in many societies young males exaggerate sexual experiences because it as seen as a measure of manhood (Boohene, 1991). As a whole sexual victimisation has been a serious problem on university campuses. Despite efforts from the universities highlighting the risks students put themselves at not much has changed and the prevalence of such behaviours has shown little fluctuation over this time period. It is important to note that sexual aggression varies greatly among different universities (Koss, et al.1987). It seems viable that in order to attempt to tackle this ongoing problem the factors or social situation that influence or exacerbate such behaviours need to be identified. All men are arguably exposed to similar social experiences, however only a small proportion of these go on to engage in sexually coercive behaviours. The question must be why does this minority conduct these behaviours and accept sexual coercive tactics, what are the mediating factors and how can it be prevented? The literature examining the use and acceptance of sexual coercion suggests that certain variables remain consistent (Emmers-Sommer, Allen, 1999). Despite over 47 variables being associated with sexual coercion (Frank, 1989) they generally fall in to one of two categories; psychological and physical pressure (Struckman-Johnson, 1988). Psychological takes the form of verbal pressure, where as physical involves threat of harm to an individual if they refuse to engage in intercourse. Koss (1989) referred to psychological as being implied force and physical as being explicit force. Several studies have concluded that verbal coercion is often the most commonly used coercive tactic (Mouzon et al. 2005). Within a university setting it was apparent in the majority (58.6%) of coercive incidents, the male carried on even though the female had stated ‘No’ (Muehlenhard Linton, 1986). Verbal coercion is a negative level of persuasion that can take the form of; blackmail, persuasion, lies, false promises, guilt or threats to end a relationship (Walner-Haugrud, 1995). Many males use verbal coercion as it leaves the victim with a lack of choices to pursue that don’t have severe social or physical consequences (Heise, Moore, Toubia, 1995). Sexual intercourse may actual seem like the easiest option in order to escape constant pressure or to avoid negative consequences including threats to a relationship (Livingston, Buddie, Testa VanZile-Tamsen, 2004). The anticipation of a negative reaction from their partner was significantly associated with a woman’s decreased ability to refuse sex and over 40% of females engaged in intercourse due to constant pressure (Koss, 1985) . However when females are seen to ‘give in’ to intercourse due to the social and emotional pressures it is debated whether this is true victimization (Muehlehard Peterson, 2004). Regardless of this viewpoint the presence of verbal coercion is consistent in dating relationships, 93% of coercive acts reported by females involved a male that was known to them (Testa Livingston,1999). With regard to university campuses, social circles constantly overlap thus increasing the likelihood the victim, her friends or acquaintances will now the perpetrator. Dating situation can often be ambiguous with pressure from societies expectation of gender stereotyped roles and traditional dating scripts. These expectations and pressures can often lead to attitudes of rape justifiability and victim willingness. Males are often viewed by a western society as being dominant and aggressive. Therefore some males want to uphold this view often resulting in hyper-masculinity. Malamuth, Linz, Heavey, Barnes, Aker (1995) argue the views of these males will be strengthened especially in a university setting. Their ‘Confluence model’ states that variables such as sexual promiscuity or hyper-masculinity will influence sexually coercive behaviour and attitudes. Some male’s think they are justified in being coercive towards their date especially if they the female accepted the date, they have paid for the date or the female invited him back to her residence (Feltey, Ainslie Geib, 1991). Such behaviours are justified as being acceptable as certain males believe because the female has ‘allowed’ him to take the ‘lead’ role then she must be willing to engage in intercourse or he is justified in pursuing intercourse without consent as she ‘owes’ him (Parrot, 1990). Surprisingly some females agree that a man is justified in having sex with a female against her will if she willingly goes back to his house (Muehlenhard, 1988). Even when dating scripts are reversed and the female initiates or pays for the date some males still perceive this as the female’s willingness to engage in intercourse. These males are likely to assume that females who initiate or take control are experienced or ‘easy’. The males described in these situations are more likely to blame the female if sex occurs, are more likely to endorse rape justifiable attitudes and are less likely to perceive that coercion took place (Parrot, 1990). Reassuringly, 98% of university students agreed that using coercion to obtain sex is not acceptable regardless of other dating factors (Cook, 1995). Some behaviours do not have the ambiguity of whether they are coercive or not for example the use of force, threat or weapons are unequivocal examples of sexual coercion. Koss et al. (1987) argued that over half of their student sample were sexual victimized and 6% stated they had been raped in the past year whilst at university. Fisher, Cullen, Turner (2000) reported much lower figures of around 11% for sexual victimization and 2% raped in the past 7 months. These differences could indicate a decline in sexually coercive behaviour however it may be more likely due to differing definitions of sexually coercive behaviours and the different time frames used. Taking even the lower estimates it appears that a significant proportion of students have endured some form of sexual coercion during a relatively small time frame. However research has continually highlighted that the number of reported incidents of sexual coercion by females will always out weight the number of self reports by males (Koss et al.1987). Therefore it appears that there are marked gendered differences in the way both sexes perceive and report sexually coercive behaviours. The gendered differences in attitudes towards sexual behaviour general highlight that males are more sexually permissive and more interested in casual sex and women tend to have an emotional tie (Forbes, Adam-Curtis, 2004). Despite some decline in these gender differences, the issue of casual sex remains the same. Males are twice as likely as females to approve of casual sex and four times as likely to think attractiveness is a sufficient enough reason to have sex (Feignbaum Weinstein, 1995). Males also believed it is ‘normal’ for intercourse to occur after eight dates whereas females argued it would be nearer to 12 (Cohen Shortland, 1996). This sample of male students may therefore have unrealistic dating scripts. Expecting intercourse to occur four dates sooner than females may result in the female perceiving the males advances as being sexually coercive whereas the male believe his behaviours are the next ‘logical’ step. Such differences in sexual expectations may be a major contributing factor to the discrepancies between recorded and self reported behaviours. Discrepancies may also be attributed to some men perpetrating multiple acts as recidivism rates are often low. Rubenzahl (1998) reported that within his student sample 29% reported being sexually coercive on more than five occasions. The underlying differences in attitudes towards sexual coercion may lie with the conditioning of males and females, and their assumed gender identity. Embracing the identity of being masculine or feminine will have an effect upon perceptions of appropriate or inappropriate behaviour, and the decisions regarding engaging in intercourse. As gender identities are diametrically opposed, society views real mean as those who have sex and women, who are ladies, do not (Muehlenhard, McCoy, 1991). Males who adopt this gender identity have more traditional values and expectation. As discussed previously, these males will ask for the date, pay for the date, initiate sex and ultimately endorse sexually coercive strategies. Such males are also more likely to believe that females engage in ‘Token Resistance’, in that they say no in order to preserve their feminine identity, even though they are willing to engage in sexual intercourse. Others believe that token resistance may actually be a change of intention rather than a self protective factor (Shortland, Hunter, 1995). Around 40% of college women admitted they had engaged in token resistance, even though they planned to have sexual intercourse (Shortland, Hunter, 1995) and 17% make regular practice of it (Muehlenhard Hollabaugh, 1988).Therefore, even if the female truly means ‘No’, a minority of males will still pursue intercourse as they perceive it to be the female being coy or bluffing to protect h er reputation. Given that males and females are expected, by the rules that govern society, to act in opposing ways and that some males believe because of these expectations, females say ‘no’ when they in fact mean ‘yes’, it is hardly surprising that coercive behaviours become problematic. Confusion for males will obviously arise when females they have previously engaged in sexual intercourse with have used token resistance. Problems will arise when the same male engages with other females, yet uses his previous experience as a rule of thumb. Some women use verbal and non verbal cues, along with the physical resistance to refuse sexual advances from a male. As discussed verbal cues are often confusing especially as ‘no’ can often mean ‘yes’. Consent is also usually signalled by doing nothing during sexual advances, therefore further issues may arise for the male in that lack of consent is not necessarily a spoken ‘no’. Men are also mo re likely to perceive a wide variety of non verbal, verbal and situational variables as cues for a female’s sexual interest (Koukounds, Letch, 2001). Non verbal cues are said to be the least direct and effective methods of resistance (VanWie, Gross, 2001). Environmental factors such as a college setting and, â€Å"perpetrator characteristics, personality and previous sexual experience enhance a man’s willingness to act upon his coercive beliefs and attitudes† (Berkowitz, Burkhart, Bourg, 1994 p.6). White, Donat, Humphrey’s (1995) suggest that it is not specific cognitive beliefs but negativity towards women that is associated with sexual coercion. Therefore holding supportive attitudes in the absence of other variables such as hostility may not contribute to sexual coercion. Attitudes of a coercive nature however do not just appear but they are in part due to socialisation. Attitudes are modelled and developed at home, school, by the media and our peers; they are also in part influenced by our own personality. Hostility towards females and sensation seeking is such aspects of personality that is linked towards sexual coercive behaviours (Berkowitz, 1992). Much of the sexual coercion literature has focused upon fraternity and sports team members with the majority suggesting that those who individuals who are associated with either group are more likely to commit sexual assault. This viewpoint has gained momentum within the popular media (Martin, Hummer, 1989) however from an academic perspective the results are mixed. Koss and Gains (1993) argue that both athletic membership and living in a fraternity were significantly related to the severity of the incident but only athletic membership was a significant predictor. However, Lackie and DeMan (1997) argues the opposite in that fraternity membership not athletic membership predicted sexual assault. One of the many reasons for this is that, some sports teams especially on modern university campuses are mixed sex or if they are single sex affiliated teams share transport and training resources. Also many fraternities do not represent the stereotypical view of hyper-masculine, alcohol fuelled environments and they actually promote equal rights and community service. However a number studies, (Boeringer,1999, Sawyer, Thompson, Chicorelli, 2002, Forbes, Adams-Curtis, Pakalka, White, 2006) have highlighted relationships between group memberships, acceptance of rape myths, objectification of women and admiration of violence. Each of these variables has been constantly related to sexual aggression and coercion. It is important however to understand that such attitudes are developmental and aggression towards females does not just manifest during college. Such attitudes develop throughout the life course and participation is sports, college experiences, the pressure from peers or male gender roles may reinforce these existing attitudes (Forbes, Adam-Curtis, 2001). Peers will provide justification and support for each other’s sexually aggressive tactics. Athletes were over responsible for 19% of sexual assaults despite only accounting for 3% of the overall university population (Crosset, Benedict, 1995). On the other hand self report questionnaires highlighted that sexual assault by members of athletic teams or fraternity memberships were no different than non members (Jackson, 1991). Closely tied in with the theory of masculinity is the role of males peers in socialisation and initiation of sexual beliefs (Brooks-Gunn, Furstenberd, 1989). ‘Frat’ membership is good reflection of the pressure applied to peers to hold narrow masculine views (Senn, Desmarais, Verberg, Wood, 2000). The link between ‘frat’ houses, sports team and sexual coercion may be a reflection of the psychological characteristics of the group such as hostility and dominance over women not the purpose of the group itself that is associated with sexual coercion. Further variables such as pornography usage have been linked to sexual assault and sexual coercion. Within some student populations and arguably some ‘frat’ houses or university halls of residence social affairs involve pornographic entertainment which may further reinforce sexually aggressive behaviour. The concern surrounding pornography usage is that substantial research (Williams, Cooper, Howell, Yuille, Paulhus, 2009) argues it promotes sexual misbehaviour. Such effects are arguably stronger when the exposure is self induced (e.g. DVD’s and internet based searches) rather than involuntary (e.g. pop ups and spam emails). Experimental studies (Williams et al. 2009) seem to suggest that exposing males to pornography increases fantasies, willingness to rape and acceptance of rape myths. Malamuth, Neil, Koss, (2000) argue that there is an association between pornography usage and sexually aggressive behaviours in that those who had higher levels of viewing were at a greater risk for being sexually aggressive. However they also suggest that those males who are already aggressive in nature are at a far greater risk than those who are not aggressive. Boeringer (1994) had previously concluded that males exposed frequently to violent pornography were six times more likely to report rape supporting attitudes and behaviours compared to a sample with low exposure. Exposure to pornography may reinforce the notion that having multiple partners is normal and having a steady relationship in undesirable. Pornography also fails to deal with real life relationship problems. Some issues such as affection, communication, dating scripts or the consequences of promiscuous sexual behaviour are avoided. Viewing material of this nature especially on a frequent basis exposes the individual to perverted sex acts that are otherwise unimaginable and instead are regarded as exciting thus desensitising the individual to the content. Some 12% of males imitated pornography during a sexually abusive incident (Bergen, Raquel Kennedy, 2000). It is important however to remember that a number of individuals watch pornography on a regular basis and no not engage in sex crimes. It is important however to argue that the relationship between pornography and sexual coercion is not simply due to levels of exposure and moderating factors must be considered. The combination of peers with attitudes that justify coercion, pornography usage and hyper-masculinity and an appreciation of violence often found in some sports teams may all interact and contribute to sexual coercion. The age at which individuals have their first sexual experience and the number of partners they have had may lead to more coercive attitudes and behaviours. Factors such as impersonal sex and lack of intimacy are associated with both promiscuity and sexual coercion. A number of studies (Forbes et al. 2001, Senn at al. 2000, Martin et al. 2005) have found those that had admitted to endorsing or perpetrating sexual coercion had more sexual partners and early age of first intercourse than a non coercive sample. Those males that are sexually coercive and have had a high number of partners will be active daters and the frequency of their sexual contact can increases their likelihood to commit sexually coercive acts (Byers Eno, 1991). In summary, â€Å"the more sexually the young man, the longer he is active and the greater number of sexual partners the more likely some assaultive behaviour will occur at least once† (White Koss, 1993 p.144 ). It is apparent that a number of different variables can contribute to the acceptance and reinforcement of sexually coercive behaviours. The complexity of this relationship can arguably only be understood by taking human evolution and natural selection into account. In line with previous research evolutionary theory argues sexual coercion occurs in aggressive males who are more eager to mate, are sexually assertive and are less discriminative when choosing a mate (Thornhill Palmer, 2000). Those male with a high sex drive that are thwarted by a female when they are sexually aroused may respond in a sexually coercive manner (Kanin, 1969). Females on the other hand have different reproductive strategies as they are more selective because they contribute more long term effort to the reproduction of the offspring (McKibbin, Shackelford, Goetz, Starratt, 2008). Such difference may be attributed to the gender differences in attitudes towards casual sex and some males desire to have multiple partners. Evolutionary psychologists propose a number of different explanations of individual difference in sexual coercion. Those males that have low parental investment due to the nature of their unstable environment such as university may trigger development patterns leading to a high mating effort. These individuals may have multiple partners due to their desire for greater investment in reproduction. This potential for reproduction ‘pays off’ as a greater number of partners may result in a greater number of offspring. Such behaviour patterns are supported by risk taking strategies that are apparent in sexually coercive behaviour. Adaption theory suggests that sexual coercion is a conditional strategy. Its main argument is that those males who have low mating value and have failed with non sexually coercive tactics use conditional mating strategies such as sexual coercion in order to improve their number of sexual partners because these behaviours are now adaptive (Gladden, Sisco, Figueredo, 2008). Further arguments surround the notion that sexual coercion is a by-product of trait differences between genders to ensure that males do not miss sexual opportunities. Selection for a greater variety in sexual encounters (casual sex) by males and for some to act aggressively could result in sexual coercion as a side effect of these traits. From an evolutionary perspective those individuals that adapt behaviour to context adaptive problems (domain specific adaptive mechanisms) tend to out compete rivals that pursue invariant behaviour tactics. It may be in these specific context cues trigger coercive behaviours such that a male who was coercive as a by product of an interest in casual sex maybe also be high in aggression and be willing to use force as they lack normal inhibitions. On the contrary those males that use coercion because they have low status may have normal inhibitions against forcing women however may alter these inhibitions when the female acts inappropriately according to gender stereotypes i.e. initiates the date or invites him back to her home. Based on this argument it appears that different predictors of sexual coercion will correlate preferentially with different types of offences. By expanding this research to consider more fundamental evolutionary constructs such as mating effort and sex strategies, it may be possible to think about sexual coerciveness theoretically. Hypothesis It is predicted that a higher score on a measure of self-reported sexually aggressive tactics will be positively correlated with greater impulsivity, more stereotyped sexual attitudes, active sports team participation, greater pornography use, higher levels of mating effort and residing within university halls of residence. It is further predicted that males will believe using sexual coercive behaviours is more acceptable than females and they will admit to higher levels or perpetration than females. Method Design The study will be a within-subjects correlational study, and examines the use and acceptance of sexually coercive tactics among university students. The study will use higher self-rated scores on measures of sexual coercion as the criterion variable and sexual experience, impulsivity-sensation seeking, sexual beliefs and whether the participant lives in halls, is a member of a sports team, if they use pornography and mating effort as the predictor variables. Participants Participants were recruited via opportunistic sampling around various public areas of a University campus and online via a social networking website. Participants in this study composed of University students ranging from first years to postgraduate level. A total of 130 students participated in the study 73 male and 57 female. The participants included in the analyses were aged between 18 and 26 the overall mean age was 22.2 years (SD= 1.58). Furthermore about 43 % were said to be in a long term relationship, 43 % dated casually, 15 % didn’t date and only2 % were married or engaged. The vast majority of participants (96 %) indicated they were heterosexual, with 2 % being homosexual and 1 % being bi sexual. Materials Within the questionnaire battery participants were asked to provide demographic information which included; gender, age, the age at which participants willingly has sexual intercourse, the number of sexual partners they have had, whether they lived in halls of residence, whether they were part of a single or mixed sex sports team, and whether they used pornography. Further measures include: The SES Scale (sexual experiences scale, Koss Oros, 1982). A 10 item scale was used to measure the participant’s involvement in acts of sexual coercion. From this measure it is possible to collect data regarding four different types of sexual aggression (sexual contact, sexual coercion, attempted rape and rape). As this scale is currently devised for male participants a revised version for females will created simply by changing the use of male to female. This will be altered as it may be possible for some females to use sexually coercive behaviours. The respondents answer ‘yes’ of ‘no’ to a series of items in a self report format. With regard to rape it will not be possible for women participants to respond ‘yes’ however the scale will be able to identify other sexually coercive behaviours The measure is used to detect sexual assault even when the perpetrator is unaware that his behaviour constitutes a crime. The SES is one of the most frequently used measures of assessing sexually aggressive behaviours and reliability and validity are very good. The SES was found to be of good internal consistency reliability with a Cronbach alpha =.89, and has re-test reliability of .93 (Koss Gidycz, 1985) and validity of .61(Koss Gidycz, 1985). The scale has been used with women were the internal consistency was found to be .74(Koss Gidycz, 1985). The Impulsive Sensation Seeking subscale of the Zuckerman-Kuhlman Personality Questionnaire (ZKPQ-ImpSS; Zuckerman, Kuhlman, Joirement, Teta, Kraft, 1993). A 19 item impulsivity sensation seeking subscale requires participants to answer true or false to whether they felt the statements were descriptive of themselves. Higher scores indicate participants who have higher levels of sensation seeking. Research has found the scale has a Cronbach alpha of .77 and a test retest reliability of .80 (Zuckerman, 2002). The Sexual Strategies Questionnaire (SSQ Struckman- Johnson and Struckman-Johnson, 1991). Participants are asked to consider 10 different items in relation to a date scenario vignette. Item are devised to measure acceptability of different sexually coercive tactics. Within the scale there are 10 levels of sexual coercion, the least severe being use of isolation (item 1) ranging to moderately severe, alcohol used as a specific tactic (item 6) and most severely the use of